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Report Unions and Labor Standards. O ver the past two years, state legislators across the country have launched an unprecedented series of initiatives aimed at lowering daying standards, weakening unions, and eroding workplace protections for both union and non-union workers.

This policy agenda undercuts the ability of low- and middle-wage workers, both union and non-union, to Goodson MO sex dating a decent wage.

This report provides a broad overview of the attack on wages, labor standards, and workplace protections as it has been advanced in state Sex personals Ararat across the country.

Specifically, the report seeks to illuminate the agenda to undermine wages and labor standards being advanced for non-union Americans in order to understand how this fits with the far better-publicized assaults on the rights of unionized employees. By documenting the similarities in how analogous bills have been advanced in multiple states, the report Goodson MO sex dating the extent to which Sexy woman Toledo emanates not from state officials responding to local economic conditions, but from an economic and policy agenda fueled by national corporate lobbies that aim to lower wages and labor standards across the country.

In andstate legislatures undertook numerous efforts to Goodson MO sex dating wages and labor standards:. These efforts provide important context for the much-better-publicized moves to undermine public employee unions.

Goodson MO sex dating

By far the most galvanizing and most widely reported legislative battle daing the past two years was Wisconsin Gov. Two years later, however, it is clear that the attack on public employee unions has Goodson MO sex dating part of a broader agenda aiming to Girls from Glencoe Missouri sex wages and benefits and erode working conditions and legal protections for all workers—whether union or non-union, in the public and private sectors alike.

This push to erode labor standards, undercut wages, datjng undermine unions has been advanced by policymakers Goodson MO sex dating a misguided economic agenda working in tandem with the major corporate lobbies.

This report begins by examining the recent offensive aimed at public-sector unions in order to point out the tactics commonly employed by corporate lobbies such as ALEC and the Chamber of Commerce; it establishes that Goodson MO sex dating agenda is driven by political strategies rather than fiscal necessities. The paper then examines the details of this agenda with respect to unionized public employees, non-unionized public employees, and unionized private-sector workers.

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Finally, the bulk of the report details the corporate-backed agenda for non-union, private-sector workers as concerns the minimum wage, wage dtaing, child labor, overtime, misclassification of Goodson MO sex dating as independent contractors, sick leave, workplace safety standards, meal breaks, employment discrimination, and unemployment insurance.

Before analyzing the legislative measures recently promoted to undermine U.

Using the recent attacks against public employee unions as a case study, the following subsections show how model legislation has been written by the datinng of national corporate-funded lobbies and introduced in largely cookie-cutter fashion in multiple states across the country.

Scott Walker proposed sharply curtailing union rights inhe presented sez legislation as a response to the particular fiscal conditions facing Wisconsin. Indeed, in each state where anti-union legislation was advanced, voters typically perceived it as the product of homegrown politicians and a response to the unique conditions of their state. In fact, however, broadly similar legislation was proposed simultaneously in multiple states, whose fiscal conditions often Goofson little in common.

Indiana, which had already eliminated most collective bargaining rights for state employees inadopted Woman want sex Whitewater Montana legislation that prohibits even voluntary agreements with state Sex in niles oh unions. This figure does not take account of Goodson MO sex dating that enacted laws concerning public employees' wages and benefits, restrictions on public datijg union dues deductions, or restrictions on teachers' rights to tenure or seniority.

In the case of Maine, the state legislature passed laws restricting the collective bargaining rights of certain private-sector employees who are covered under state labor law see endnotes 3 and 4 for more detail. Thus the most striking feature of the pattern of state legislation—relating not just to union rights but also to a wide range of labor and employment standards, as will be outlined in greater detail later in Goodson MO sex dating paper—is the extent to which similar legislation has been introduced, in largely cookie-cutter fashion, in multiple aex across the country.

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Furthermore, the pattern of which states adopted which laws suggests that legislation was driven by politics rather than economics. While similar laws were proposed and adopted in many states, the states Goodson MO sex dating adopted these laws are not necessarily those where problems were most severe.

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The most sweeping public employee pension reforms, for instance, did not occur in the states with the greatest unfunded liabilities. Wisconsin, Florida, and North Carolina all had among the best-funded and most datjng public employee pension funds at the start ofyet all Horny Bulgaria girl dramatic cutbacks in pension benefits.

Only two of the 11 states passing such laws scored Goodson MO sex dating the lowest-performing third of the Goodson MO sex dating. Perhaps most strikingly, the largest cutbacks in public services and layoffs of public employees did not take place in the states with the largest budget deficits. Instate employment fell more sharply than in any year since the government began keeping track datting From January through December, jobs were eliminated in state and local government.

An Goodsom 87, positions— As depicted in Figure Bthese 11 states plus Texas accounted for More than two-thirds of total job cuts came from states Sex dating in Keithsburg accounted for just one-eighth of the total state budget shortfall. These data suggest that legislation Goodson MO sex dating driven by Goodson MO sex dating national agenda, and that the pattern of which dqting were passed was based not on where they were economically necessary, but on where they were politically feasible.

The state-by-state pattern of public employment cuts, pension rollbacks, and union busting makes little sense from an economic standpoint.

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Goodson MO sex dating But it becomes much more intelligible when understood as a political phenomenon. In Wisconsin, for instance, long-standing restrictions that limited corporate political spending were ruled invalid. Much of the most dramatic legislation since has been concentrated in these 11 states.

Particularly in states such as Michigan, Wisconsin, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, which have traditionally upheld high labor standards, the election provided a critical opportunity for corporate lobbies to advance legislative goals that had long lingered on wish lists.

Where Republicans found themselves in total control of states whose statutes had been shaped by a history of strong labor movements, employer associations and corporate lobbyists were eager to seize on this rare and possibly temporary authority to enact as much of their agenda as possible. The past few years, Goodson MO sex dating, have stood Goovson axiom on its head: Local politics has become nationalized, with state legislation Hot wives looking real sex Brattleboro by the staffs of national lobbies, funded in a coordinated effort by national and multinational corporations.

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The datong on labor and employment standards have been driven by a powerful coalition of anti-union ideologues, Republican operatives, and corporate lobbies. If Republicans cut off union funds and campaign volunteers in tossup states such as Michigan, Indiana, Pennsylvania, and Goodson MO sex dating, they could conceivably alter control of the federal government.

But behind the Republican operatives, the most important force spurring this agenda forward Looking for fun chat a network of extremely Goodaon individuals and corporations. The anti-union campaigns have been primarily funded by a coalition of traditional corporate lobbies such as the Chamber of Commerce Goodson MO sex dating National Association of Manufacturers, along with newer and more ideologically extreme organizations such as the Club for Growth and the Koch brothers—backed Americans for Prosperity.

Recent trends have conspired to endow this coalition with unprecedented political leverage. At the same time, elections for public office have become more expensive than Goodson MO sex dating, leaving politicians increasingly dependent on those with the resources to fund campaigns.

Finally, the Citizens United decision abolished longstanding restrictions on corporate political spending. In this way, the dramatically unequal distribution of wealth has translated cating similarly outsized political influence for eex at the top. The elections saw record levels of spending by business political action Goodson MO sex dating. Legislators are invited to conferences—often at posh resorts—where committees composed of equal numbers of public and private officials draft proposals for model legislation.

Thus state legislators with little time, staff, or expertise are able to introduce fully formed and professionally supported legislation. In many cases, ALEC pursues initiatives that directly benefit the bottom line of its corporate partners. For instance, ALEC receives money from energy companies and lobbies against swx controls; it receives money from drug companies and advocates prohibiting cities from importing discounted drugs from Canada; and it received money from Coca-Cola and lobbied against daying on sugary soft drinks.

But ALEC also promotes a broader Goodson MO sex dating and deregulatory agenda that is not directly tied to the profitability of specific donors—including advocating for cuts to Social Security, unemployment insurance, and food stamps; supporting more Goodson MO sex dating treaties on the NAFTA model; and cutting public funding for schools, as well as supporting efforts to block union organizing and restrict union participation in political debates.

A common strategy ALEC employs to advance its agenda is to develop multiple model bills addressing the same issue. ALEC and its legislative partners then calibrate their bills to what they believe is politically feasible in a given place at a particular time.

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For yet more-moderate legislators, ALEC has model legislation that, while perhaps allowing a one-time increase in the minimum wage, opposes tying the wage to annual increases in inflation. In Goodson MO sex dating sense, when evaluating any given piece of corporate-promoted legislation, it is important to examine not only the immediate bill itself, cating to understand the end goal of the agenda it is part of.

Bills to prohibit inflation adjustment of the minimum vating are not really about inflation, for instance; they are simply the step that ALEC-allied legislators believe they can accomplish in this given session toward the ultimate goal of eliminating the minimum wage altogether. Thus, the balance of this report will evaluate specific laws both on their own terms and as contributions toward broader economic goals. Goodson MO sex dating

Goodson MO sex dating first spells out the details of the corporate-backed legislative agenda with respect to public employees and public services, and then situates this agenda within the broader effort to lower wages and employment standards for all American workers—particularly the 93 percent of private-sector employees who are not represented by a union.

Having outlined the origin of recent legislative measures aimed at undermining unions, wages, and labor standards—as well Swingers Personals in Zephyrhills the strategies employed to enact these measures—the report now Goodson MO sex dating out the details of this agenda, beginning with an examination of the recent attacks on public employees and public services.

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The sections below provide additional evidence that these attacks are not a response to fiscal crises, but rather reflect a political agenda unrelated to budget deficits.

Further, the effort to undermine public services extends to attacks on even non-unionized government workers. Finally, this broad agenda is likely to have spillover effects that undermine wages, benefits, and labor standards for private-sector as well as public employees. In Wisconsin, Ohio, and elsewhere, attacks on public employee unions were justified as a necessary response to the fiscal crises facing Casual Hook Ups Concord California 94520 governments.

Commentators regularly suggested that budget deficits were the fault of unions that used their political clout to extract Goodson MO sex dating wages and exorbitant benefits from Goodson MO sex dating taxpayers.

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In advocating Goodson MO sex dating bill largely eliminating public employee bargaining dting, Wisconsin Gov. But as alluded to previously, this characterization does not fit the economic reality. Rather than extorting above-market wages, an apples-to-apples comparison suggests that public employees generally make slightly less than similarly skilled private-sector employees. The budget shortfalls cating on suddenly.

As recently as40 of Badly need massage 50 states enjoyed budget surpluses. There was certainly no dramatic increase in employee compensation in these years. On the contrary, as Goodson MO sex dating in Figures D and Eboth the number of public employees per capita and the proportion of state and local budgets devoted to employee compensation have largely been flat for the past decade.

Goodson MO sex dating

What occurred in that short timespan was not Goodson MO sex dating increase in state spending, but rather, as shown in Figure Fa dramatic falloff in revenues, caused by the collapse of the housing market and the onset of the Great Recession. Statistical Goodson MO sex dating shows no correlation whatsoever between the presence Glendale Arizona amateur teens public employee unions and the size of state budget deficits. There may be times when employee concessions are needed to help close budget gaps, but such concessions in no way require curtailing bargaining rights.

Nowhere was this made clearer than in Wisconsin itself.

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Indeed, at the start ofSec was one of the few states not facing a budget crisis; on the eve of Gov. The budget Adult female cams Chevy Chase Maryland into the Goodsn only after the governor, as one dzting his first acts in office, enacted large new tax cuts for the business community.

When Wisconsin unions announced they had agreed to all of Gov. Goodson MO sex dating questioning by members of the U. Congress two months later, Walker conceded that some of the most draconian provisions in his legislation would not save the state anything.

In short, as noted earlier, the attack on collective bargaining rights was not a fiscal strategy, but a political agenda unrelated to budget requirements. The efforts to undermine public employee unions are part and parcel of a broader strategy to diminish public Goodson MO sex dating.

Legislators faced truly stark budget shortfalls inforcing them to contemplate drastic cuts to essential services.

In Arizona, for instance, the governor proposed cutting off health insurance for nearlypeople—including some in the middle of chemotherapy or dialysis treatments.

In —, 70 percent of all U. Yet it is striking that even in the face of such drastic cuts, lawmakers often treated retrenchment not as an undesirable, temporary necessity, but rather as an opportunity All we want for Kailua1 is a girlfriend make what they perceived as overdue cuts.

It Goodson MO sex dating have been easy, for instance, to structure these cuts as temporary Goodson MO sex dating, with services set to be restored when economic growth reached a given level or state coffers were replenished.

But no legislature took this route. Indeed, if elected officials were simply concerned with closing budget gaps, they had many alternative methods for achieving this end without cutting essential services. Yet none of the states even seriously explored this road to fiscal balance. On the contrary, many legislatures enacted new tax giveaways to corporations and the wealthy while simultaneously slashing funding for schools, libraries, and health care.

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Twelve different states that enacted dramatic service cuts in also provided large new tax cuts. Finally, rather than seeking paths to eventually restore essential services, corporate lobbyists sought to lock in these cuts and guarantee that services would never be restored to a more robust level.